Forty-nine of us, forty-eight men and one woman, lay on the green waiting for the spike to open. We were too tired to talk much.
West Des Moines, Iowa, Jan. Perverse as it may seem for the belligerent real estate magnate to channel even apocryphal Gandhi wisdom, the line is apt. Eventually, Republicans began to fight him, terrified of his traction with voters. On the eve of another critical Tuesday slate of votes, Trump is on the verge of an even greater victory.
Polls show him in command both in the smaller states that will award their delegates proportionally, and in the larger, winner-take-all prizes of Ohio and Florida.
How is Trump—who has been described as a proto-fascistif not an outright fascist —just a few steps away from leading the Grand Old Party?
For some on the left, Trump is the result of decades of divisive politics—the inevitable outcome of a Republican political strategy that stoked white racial resentment to win elections.
For some on the right, Trump is the grassroots response to Republican elites who have abandoned their working-class voters to the whims of laissez-faire capitalism.
GOP elites have failed to offer solutions to struggling working-class whites, who have suffered keenly from the collapse of the industrial economy. Advertisement But none of these theories answer the question why now. Each of these forces has been in play for years.
Wages for working-class Americans have long been stagnantand the collapse of job opportunities for workers without a college degree was apparent in the slong before the Great Recession.
Millions of Americans—blacks and Latinos in particular—have faced declining economic prospects and social disintegration for years without turning to a demagogue like Trump. Not only does he lead a movement of almost exclusively disaffected whites, but he wins his strongest support in states and counties with the greatest amounts of racial polarization.
Among white voters, higher levels of racial resentment have been shown to be associated with greater support for Trump. What caused this fire to burn out of control?
The answer, I think, is Barack Obama. But in most respects, Obama is a conventional politician—well within the center-left of the Democratic Party. And he did so with heavy support from minorities: For liberal observers, this heralded a new, rising electorate, and—in theory—a durable majority.
Bush, and Ronald Reagan—would no longer matter. These behaviors, in turn, function to reinstate white racial equilibrium. You can read the rise of Obama and the projected future of a majority nonwhite America as a racial stress that produced a reaction from a number of white Americans—and forced them into a defensive crouch.
You can see the maneuvering DiAngelo describes in the persistent belief that Obama is a Muslim—as recently as last fall, 29 percent of Americans held this viewagainst all evidence. You can draw a direct line to the rise of Trump from the racial hysteria of talk radio.
The anxieties DiAngelo describes, and the fears cataloged by the American Values Survey, have real political impact. The results were clear.
For example, during a Marco Rubio rally before the New Hampshire primary in February, I spoke to a voter who, in her way, gave voice to this hyperawareness. I was accepting of everyone, and I hate that he brought that. In the early 20th century, massive Southern and Eastern European immigration, as well as Chinese immigration in the American West, fueled nativism and white racism, and helped lead to the resurrection of the Ku Klux Klan.
The revived Klan organized millions of white Americans in a movement against immigrants, blacks, and religious minorities like Catholics. This, along with a broader nativist movement, had an enormous impact on American politics—entire states, like Indiana, were controlled by Klan-backed politicians while national lawmakers passed harsh, restrictive immigration laws.
Our current burst of nativism and racial anxiety is proving to be a similarly potent force. Trump may have started this campaign by denigrating Latinos and Muslimsbut his first appearance in the Obama era was in the context of anti-black racism.
Even now, his supporters believe Obama is illegitimate —62 percent say he is a Muslim, and 61 percent that he was born in another country. I spoke to a voter who echoed this sort of othering anti-Obama rhetoric in Las Vegas, at a Trump event the day before the Nevada caucuses.
He bows down to every other country. Advertisement More recently, anti-black racism has returned to the fore, with behavior that attracts those who would like to see the old racial hierarchy restored.Mar 13, · For some on the left, Trump is the result of decades of divisive politics—the inevitable outcome of a Republican political strategy that stoked white racial resentment to win elections.
This is an example page. It’s different from a blog post because it will stay in one place and will show up in your site navigation (in most themes). A collection of scholarly works about individual liberty and free markets. A project of Liberty Fund, Inc.
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EBook PDF KB This. Changing Landscape of Unions Labor unions were established in the United States as early as the ’s. Until the around the ’s union membership was largely dominated by blue collar employees who worked in manufacturing sectors.
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At the inception of unions, its members consisted of "blue-collar" workers concentrated in the manufacturing sector. Today, only about 35% of union members remain in this sector, requiring unions to expand beyond manufacturing to broaden their membership ranks.
Detail the following in relation to the changing landscape of unions: 1.